Su búsqueda

Special cognitive structure, persistent and obsessive practice, commitment and a lack of social skills are all phenomena often mentioned in connection with people of outstanding giftedness. In most cases, these arise as a result of a cerebral structure that differs significantly from the usual. Among the specially gifted, atypical cerebral structure is more the rule than the exception. It is not only the highly intelligent who display special cerebral structure; many of the great creators, irrespective of their level of intelligence, show atypical cerebral structure, which is usually associated with some kind of disfunction. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Purpose is an internal compass that integrates engagement in activities that affect others, self-awareness of one's reasons, and the intention to continue these activities. We argue that purpose represents giftedness in intrapersonal intelligence, which processes information related to self, identity, self-regulation, and one's place in the world. Purpose is an extraordinary achievement. It is an ideal that young people are expected to accomplish by the end of high school, yet in our mixed methods study, only 26% of our sample overall (N=270 youth age 12-22) expressed a purpose. Still, purpose can be achieved precociously. Some youth achieve purpose much earlier than the norm: 11 6th graders in our sample showed a purpose. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Is there an ethical giftedness, and if so, what does it look like? In this article, I consider why ethical behavior is much harder to come by than one would expect. Ethically gifted individuals are able to complete a series of eight steps to action, the failure of any one of which may result in a person, even one who is ethically well trained, to act in a manner that lacks the translation of ethical knowledge into action. Wise people are those who use their abilities for a common good as determined by positive ethical values. Many people identified as gifted through traditional means are nevertheless lacking in ethical gifts, in part because socialization may not reward them for the development of ethical patterns of behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

The purpose of this article is to discuss the unique personal and psychosocial characteristics of twice-exceptional individuals (a person who has a disability and is regarded as gifted or talented). This article focuses on the description of those characteristics which relate to psychosocial adaptation and attitudes toward disabilities and giftedness. Emphasis is placed on rehabilitation professionals' awareness and knowledge of such characteristics. This knowledge is needed to skillfully develop tailored interventions that will lead into positive education, counseling, or employment outcomes for these individuals. Implications for rehabilitation education, practice, and research are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

There is a fallacy about identifying gifted and talented children and youth that refuses to go away: It is the notion that a single score is sufficient for determining giftedness (see Treffinger, 1982). In the following paragraphs, I address briefly several reasons for the longevity and ubiquity of this myth, as well as the data that call the myth into question. These include (a) the predictive validity of test scores, (b) the belief that ability is fixed, and (c) the lack of attention to and evidence for other explanations for outstanding achievement. The focus of this article is on the academic domains and IQ, as there are few who argue that a single score predicts performance in the visual and performing arts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

In the study of neural activity underlying task performance, neuroscientists have discovered that different neural states arise in low and high performers on the same cognitive tasks. What then sets the high performer apart? This article discusses the various neural mechanisms advanced to account for differences between gifted and non-gifted performers. Is there a gender association? Do 'talents' have access to more neural resources? Or do they just use their resources more efficiently? And what is the role of practice and motivation in achieving expertise? (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Do gifted students adjust poorly to their social environment? There are currently two competing positions: one that sustains that giftedness is by itself a risk factor for social adaptation, and another that holds that high cognitive abilities involve distinctive features that are protective and hence increase individual resilience. Empirical support has been provided for both positions. This paper provides data from a study performed with 50 Spanish-speaking gifted children and adolescents using a comparison group of 50 average-ability peers matched by sex and chronological age. The results show no significant differences between gifted students and their peers on global measures of adjustment. Instead, they suggest that gifted students are neither significantly more poorly nor better adjusted than their peers during different age periods. Our analysis of the results provides moderate support for the resilience position. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

The inclusive school responding to the students differences and to the opportunities' equality should consider the education of the gifted and talented students. In this work, we take curricular adaptation and curricular differentiation as the main intervention points centered on individual differences. We also defend the complementary use of the educational practices (acceleration, grouping and enrichment) explaining each one of them and presenting some studies about their efficacy. We briefly describe the practices for gifted studentes in Portugal and highlight the importance of the school staff sensitivity to understand giftedness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Based on data from a sample of 106 students in grades 2 through 8, we explored the psychometric integrity of the Universal Academic, Cognitive, Creativity, Emotion Screening Scale (Universal ACCESS; R. S. McCallum & B. A. Bracken, in press). We obtained Cronbach's alphas ranging from .95 to .98 across the eight scales of the Universal ACCESS. Concurrent validity, based on comparisons of the eight scales with “like” constructs from the Gifted Rating Scales (S. I. Pfeiffer & T. Jarosewich, 2003), the Bar-On Emotional Quotient Inventory: Youth Version (J. D. Bar-On & R. Parker, 2000), and the Terra Nova Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills (CTB, 1996), produced correlations ranging from .46 to .85 ( p < .001). All Universal ACCESS scale means were significantly higher ( p < .001) for 53 students participating in a gifted and talented program than for matched nongifted peers. We discuss implications for screening gifted students using an instrument that deemphasizes language abilities. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

This article focuses on the underrepresentation of African American males in gifted and talented programs, and offers a number of key recommendations to practitioners and researchers who seek viable strategies to circumvent this problem. Beyond the focus on underrepresentation, several additional topics for discussion are excogitated to provide a clear perspective on the challenges these students experience in school; namely, (a) definitions of giftedness, (b) identity development, (c) student Millennial culture, and (d) how gifted African American Millennial males in school contexts are treated. Additionally, data collected from a recent study of a large Midwestern school district will be presented to further highlight the topics under investigation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

This piece is a poetic and narrative inquiry (Leggo, 2004) into the conceptual, physical, and emotional underpinnings of research methodology in the field of gifted education. First, the author explores the metaphorical possibility of swimming rather than standing in the field of inquiry and how relationships to self, environment, and other would shift in ways potentially commensurate with the task of researching giftedness. Then, responses to a questionnaire asking researchers about their understandings, hopes, and fears in the use of “nontraditional” methodologies in the field of gifted education are explored through the creation of poetic aphorisms. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

This paper explores the unique mind of the twentieth-century American artist Joseph Cornell, known for his boxes and collages made with "found" materials. The author interpolates reflections upon Cornell with vignettes from the treatment of a young child, speculating that certain individuals may possess a constellation of vulnerabilities/sensitivities that constitute what is referred to as a "cosmic" sensibility. It is suggested that such an orientation can lead variously to anxieties and separation problems, as well as (or in addition to) intellectual and/or artistic giftedness. The outcome of such dynamics would depend on a complex interplay of temperament, circumstance, and relational attunement. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Reviews the book, Critical issues and practices in gifted education: What the research says edited by Jonathan A. Plucker and Carolyn M. Callahan (see record 2008-01728-000). Over the years, gifted education has received substantial criticism in and beyond the research literature (e.g., Grant, 2002; Sapon-Shevin, 1993). Criticisms have fallen into several camps. One group of critics describes gifted education as elitist and suggests that there should not be special programs for high-achieving students. Others criticize how giftedness is defined and more frequently how gifted students are identified, and even suggest that gifted education is responsible for maintaining the achievement gap. Some critics comment on the programming choices available for students who are identified, and others criticize the field of gifted education for making decisions based on fads and myths rather than empirical evidence. This context provides a backdrop for the publication of Critical issues and practices in gifted education: What the research says. In this book, the authors have attempted to bring together research that addresses almost all of the aforementioned issues. Their goal is aptly stated in the book’s introduction: “Despite a century of research on giftedness, the enthusiasm and rhetoric surrounding...services offered to gifted students often exceeds the level of available empirical support—or even contradicts the available evidence” (Plucker & Callahan, 2008b, pp. 1). The editors go on to state that their goal is to be inclusive, but brief. Thus, they included chapters across several domains—conceptual and foundational issues, curriculum, cognition, affect, programming, issues related to teacher and parents, and special populations—that are synopses rather than comprehensive reviews of the empirical literature in the field. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved)

In the development of performance excellence, the relative roles played by intellectual ability and motivation remain speculative. This study investigates the role played by general intelligence, school environment, self-efficacy, and aspects of personal identity in the formation of learning motivation in German students attending the Gymnasium schools. Using self-reports of academic achievement and scores on a shortened version of the Berlin intelligence structure test for adolescence to differentiate students as achievers or underachievers, ninth-grade students were administered a battery of self-report instruments, designed to measure learning motivation, school environment, self-efficacy, and personal identity. After the posited factor structure was confirmed, factor scores were computed and then used as data in hierarchical regression analyses using learning motivation as the criterion variable. The results showed that the greatest predictors of learning motivation were variables related to personal identity-style, rather than general intelligence, supporting the hypothesis that learning motivation is a moderator variable of intellectual achievement for students with intellectual giftedness, rather than an inherent component of giftedness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

A case study of the psychometric characteristics of two profoundly gifted girls, one with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and the other without ASD, is used to describe the nuances and subtleties most relevant in understanding the relationship between extreme giftedness and social difficulties. Through the presentation of the results from psychoeducational and psychosocial assessments, we demonstrate how data from a comprehensive evaluation can distinguish between the manifestation of extreme giftedness and concomitant social impairment indicative of ASD. Comparison of the assessment results highlights the relevance of cognitive and achievement information as well as the need for specific measures to diagnosis ASD. The girls demonstrated virtually identically superior cognitive and achievement performances. However, an in-depth analysis of additional measures, especially those specific to ASD, indicates that information about adaptive behavior and executive functioning can reveal important distinctions that are helpful in understanding the need for unique interventions specific to ASD. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

The purpose of this study was to examine the attitudes of gifted adolescents toward being labeled as gifted and talented, to evaluate how gifted students perceive that others view their giftedness, and to determine whether these attitudes and perceptions vary depending on the child's level of giftedness. Sixty-six sixth- through eighth-grade public-school students, identified as either gifted or highly gifted, were surveyed on the positive and negative attributes of being labeled gifted and talented. The highly gifted and moderately gifted groups exhibited measurable differences in their perceptions of the positive aspects of the gifted label. Furthermore, the study suggests that negative stereotyping, often associated with the gifted label, can be minimized in a carefully integrated gifted program. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

While conceptualizations of giftedness have been broadened to include many forms of giftedness, a reconceptualization of gifted programs has not followed. The paper argues that the Reggio Emilia approach to early childhood education, combining important features of the fields of early childhood education and gifted education, is a good fit for gifted young children. This approach is proposed for gifted young children because of its view of children as competent and full of potential, its emphasis on the development of symbolic languages early in life, and its conduciveness to higher-level thinking. The paper suggests that the Reggio approach not only enhances intellectual development, but also nurtures multiple forms of knowledge representation in early childhood, thus laying foundations for diverse talent development. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

Questionnaires were given to students prior to testing for giftedness to assess how the gifted identification process changes attitudes to ward gifted programs and parent-child relationships. After those identified as gifted had been participating in a pullout gifted program for one semester, another questionnaire was administered to all original participants. Comparable data were also collected from the students' parents. Results suggest that prior to identification, gifted and nongifted students and their parents shared similar attitudes toward giftedness. After identification, attitudes showed either no change or decreased. Compared to their gifted counterparts, nongifted students and their parents tended to report lower attitudes after identification. The impact of this attenuation and the use of preidentification data are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)

The myth that gifted children constitute 3% to 5% of the school population was addressed in the 1982 issue of the Gifted Child Quarterly by Joe Renzulli, a fact that is more than a little intimidating to one charged with addressing the same myth 27(!) years later. In his 1982 article, Renzulli interpreted the 3% to 5% myth as an implicit endorsement of the belief that giftedness equals high IQ, which he rightly took pains to refute. Moreover, consistent with his Three-ring Conception of Giftedness (e.g., 1978), of which “above-average ability” is a major (and salutarily radical) component, Renzulli argued that “high levels of creative productivity can be achieved by students below the top 5% if we use a more flexible identification process.” Because more than a quarter of a century has passed, the belief that 3% to 5% of the school population is gifted and the belief that giftedness can be reduced to a high score on an IQ test must now be mere historical curiosities from the Reagan years, as outdated as Cabbage Patch Dolls, Milli Vanilli, and supply-side economics. Alas, this is not the case. Both myths still flourish, apparently invulnerable to reason and the lessons of experience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

"The gifted and talented constitute one single homogeneous group and giftedness is a way of being that stays in the person over time and experiences." We believe there is no more potentially dangerous and false myth than the one above. Let us, therefore, begin this response with the following resounding statement: There is no single homogeneous group of gifted children and adults, and giftedness is developmental, not fixed at birth. Our current federal definition suggests that gifted and talented students are indeed a diverse group of individuals, students with varying abilities and potentials in one or many domains. This widely accepted federal definition of giftedness (Ross, 1993) highlights students’ intellectual, creative, and/or artistic areas; unusual capacity for leadership; or excellence in specific academic fields. This definition discusses outstanding talents present in children and youth from all cultural groups, across all economic strata, in all areas of human endeavor. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)