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Career development theories are one attempt to provide informed guidance to an individual and to explain how one chooses an occupational direction in life on the basis of a number of factors. Social cognitive career theory (SCCT) can be an appropriate conceptual framework through which counselors can explore and support gifted individuals’ career decision making (Watters, 2010). Counselors and psychologists, by nature of their training, are also commonly versed in this vocational theory and could apply it in their work with gifted students. The purpose of this chapter is fivefold: (a) elaborate on the tenets of SCCT in comparison with other historical and contemporary career theories; (b) detail specific research findings pertaining to the use of career theories, including SCCT, with gifted and talented individuals; (c) offer an overview of the career needs of gifted individuals; (d) provide examples of how SCCT can be applied by school counselors and career counselors to gifted and talented young adults; and (e) suggest support strategies for gifted individuals’ career development and related lines of research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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Gifted education exists at the intersection of psychology and education. The roots of gifted education are deeply intertwined with the roots of psychological science (Robinson & Jolly, 2014). Psychology is one of the most wide-ranging of the scientific fields, and it contains numerous perspectives, foci, and philosophical orientations. We speak not of the traditional division of psychology into its recognizable subfields (e.g., clinical, developmental, cognitive, biological, etc.), but rather we note those perspectives and orientations that cut across subdisciplines, providing unified worldviews through which phenomena are understood. One of those dominant perspectives is known as trait theory. This perspective explains individual differences in behavior or performance in terms of differences in underlying traits, which are components shared by all individuals but whose strength or quantity varies between individuals (Elkind, 1981), exemplified by the psychometric approach to studying human intelligence (cf. Carroll, 1993), as well as personality psychology from Allport (1937) to the present. We summarize the trait theory perspective as follows: Individuals are collections of traits—general intelligence (g), Big Five personality components (e.g., extraversion and openness), grit, narcissism, aggression, mindfulness, and so on. These traits exist as latent variables and can be measured using carefully designed and validated psychological or educational instruments. Typically, there is no intrinsically meaningful metric for measuring these traits, so they are often expressed on a norm-referenced basis. These traits are relatively stable over time, though this stability varies considerably according to the nature of the trait. For example, conscientiousness (a Big Five personality component) is more stable than depression (a psychological condition that is responsive to stress, medication, and treatment). Individuals vary widely in their endowment with respect to these traits. The quantity of each trait possessed by individuals results in observable differences in behavior and performance that are relatively stable across contexts. Gifted education is rooted in this perspective, which has been fruitful, led to many important discoveries, and provided the underlying rationale for a large portion of the interventionist wing of psychology. However, like all perspectives, the focus on traits has significant limitations and “blind spots.” In this chapter, we argue that moving beyond this perspective is necessary for our field to make continued progress with respect to its scientific agenda—understanding the nature of precocious intellectual talent in childhood and exceptional achievement in adulthood. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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Research on emotional intelligence (EI) may inform understanding of the characteristics of emotional functioning in gifted children (Pfeiffer, 2001). This construct remains controversial in educational psychology, but it may prove useful for exploring interrelationships between cognitive and social–emotional competencies (Matthews, Zeidner, & Roberts, 2002). Indeed, the pioneers of systematic testing for EI (Mayer, Perkins, Caruso, & Salovey, 2001) proposed that children high in EI should be able to represent information about emotional encounters in greater accuracy, depth, and richness, supporting social adaptation. In this chapter, we explore possible relationships between intellectual giftedness and EI, covering conceptual bases, empirical research, and applications in education. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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How we view young children matters. It influences ways we interact with, respond to, and predict outcomes of young children’s learning. We may think about the image of young children through a metaphor of lenses—with what lenses are children viewed? Are they seen as empty vessels to be filled with knowledge, or as competent and curious human beings, ready to explore the world around them? If children are viewed as gifted, or as having potential for advanced or accelerated work, does that change the teaching of and interactions with these children? In this chapter, we focus on young children (ages 3–8, preschool–third grade), excluding, for the most part, the development of infants and toddlers. Preschool-age children enter the world of academia expected to build kindergarten readiness skills. Many preschoolers already demonstrate mastery of academics, and show the need for a different type of preschool curriculum and instruction. However, others come to preschool from homes where English is not spoken, or from homes where parents did not have enough money or time to provide enriched learning experiences (e.g., travel, visits to the library, campouts in the woods). Do teachers view students who can already read and write as more intelligent or more gifted than those who have not yet been exposed to the types of experiences that would nourish and develop literacy and mathematical thinking? How do teachers view young children who are ahead of their peers—gifted, precocious, or advanced? How do those labels impact the teachers’ interactions and expectations of those students? Views and beliefs about people matter. Having high expectations for children impacts their academic achievement, and stereotype threat can influence achievement (Steele, 2011). Stereotype threat occurs when people are or feel themselves to be at risk of confirming negative stereotypes about their identities. In the case of gifted students, who have identities that relate to their intelligence, the way they view their own talents and intelligence impacts not only their achievement, but their willingness to attack challenging problems and grow (Dweck, 2006). Knowing how we think about children impacts our interactions and ultimately their outcomes; therefore, we must be cautious not to project stereotypes, biases, or labels on children. Instead, we must address all children with the intent to learn about them, to connect what they know with new knowledge, and to provide learning contexts that maximize their growth opportunities. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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