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Researchers of the gifted have traditionally advanced the theory, though they are often without data to support it, that an association between intellectual and/or creative giftedness and mood disorders exists. This assumed association is often referred to as the mad genius theory. This article explores the origins and development of the theory and describes the difficulties that arise when evaluating it due to problems associated with defining and measuring the relevant terms. Finally, the article examines the current scientific knowledge concerning the association between mood disorders and intellectual and/or creative giftedness. Broadly speaking, the data support the association as it relates to the construct of creativity and mood disorders and as it relates to the relationship between high IQ and bipolar disorder but not high IQ and depression. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: journal abstract)
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Students who simultaneously show evidence of high performance or potential in a talent or ability and have a disability that impacts on their ability to achieve and learn are often referred to as "twice exceptional" and require attention in the academic setting. Recognition that twice-exceptional students exist in U.S. classrooms was articulated over three decades ago by Maker (1977) who referred to these students as "gifted handicapped." Initially, educators viewed twice exceptionality as paradoxical, as it seemed implausible that intellectually gifted children could concomitantly have a learning disability. However, based on Maker's contention that intellectual giftedness and learning disabilities can and do coexist, researchers began to investigate the characteristics, identification, and curriculum needs of students with dual exceptionalities. The National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC) (2010) recognizes this population and advocates finding mechanisms for identifying twice-exceptional children so that educators can serve both their gifts and disabilities, and thereby prevent them from falling through the academic cracks. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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For millennia, scholars and laypersons alike have been fascinated with people of high accomplishment and those who show the potential for great accomplishment. These individuals are typically referred to as "gifted." In trying to answer the question "What behaviors and characteristics make someone gifted?," a variety of theories, or conceptions, of giftedness have been proposed. Until recently, conceptions of giftedness were based on "implicit theories," or the intuitions, impressions, and personal beliefs held by individuals, rather than on "'explicit theories," which are supported by rigorous research investigating the cognitive, ability, and personality variables associated with giftedness. Carefully articulating an evidence-based conception of giftedness carries important implications for educational practice. This is because the way in which a school district conceptualizes giftedness should guide its overall programming for gifted students, including how to identify gifted learners, how to instruct them so that their gifts and academic potential are realized, and how to evaluate whether the identification and instruction were appropriate and relevant to their cognitive characteristics. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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The use of norm-referenced, standardized tests of intelligence and achievement in the process of identifying gifted students has a long tradition. Indeed, use of these tests continues to dominate the identification of giftedness in most states and school districts. Proponents of the use of intelligence tests contend that they are objective, valid means of assessing intellectual ability and the single most reliable predictors of academic achievement. However, reliance on traditional assessment intelligence and achievement tests—as the sole data sources in identifying gifted students has received scrutiny. Critics question the validity of these tests for measuring giftedness and argue that an emphasis on traditional assessment tools reflects outdated conceptions of giftedness. They further contend that traditional assessments contribute to the under-identification of minority, low socioeconomic status (SES), and twice-exceptional students, as well as students with creative talents. Still others note that relying solely on traditional test scores results in an arbitrary and indefensible use of cut-off scores for inclusion in gifted programs. These criticisms have led to expanded conceptions of giftedness along with new paradigms for identifying more diverse populations for gifted programs and services. New paradigms call for the use of multiple criteria for identification, including a combination of portfolios, authentic and dynamic assessments, performance tasks, teacher rating scales, and other non-traditional assessments in combination with traditional assessments. While moving the role of traditional assessment tools from center stage in the decision- making process has been encouraged, few argue that they have no place in conceptions of intellectual giftedness' or identification of students gifted in specific academic domains, and they remain a prominent data source in identification procedures in most school districts. However, in order to evaluate the advantages, and limitations, of using traditional assessment tools for identifying gifted students, one must understand what these instruments purport to measure and for what purposes they are valid and reliable instruments. This understanding will aid educators in determining how and under what circumstances it is appropriate to use traditional assessment tools to identify gifted students. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)
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- Journal Article (1)