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Talented students who are unmotivated to engage in academic tasks frustrate parents, educators, and psychologists (Colangelo, 2003; Renzulli, Reid, & Gubbins, 1991). When the National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented conducted a national survey of educator concerns, the underachievement of gifted students topped the list (Renzulli et al., 1991). It is similarly a concern of psychologists and counselors. Colangelo (2002) suggested the “most intense counseling focus” (p. 14) for gifted students is underachievement. Colangelo (2003) also noted that underachievement is the problem that counselors in his Center most often addressed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

We wanted a catchy title for this potentially pedantic topic, but now that we may have one, it probably needs to be explained. Why “double Slinky phenomenon”? A Slinky is a coiled steel spring that “walks” when the top end is pulled down from the first to the second of a series of stairs or the top part of a ramp, then the trailing part leap-frogs to the third step or lower down the inclined plane, and so on. With two Slinkys working their way down, the progress was mostly but not entirely smooth or predictable, and one or the other would pull ahead or fall behind. Sometimes the two might even contact each other. Now let’s name one Slinky “gifted education” and the other “general education” and send them on their way. This is the visual image we want to create for our narrative. Dual Slinkys, unevenly making their way along, only sometimes in synchrony even though they were made in the same factory. The analogy is imperfect, especially because education is an uphill rather than downhill enterprise, and not in a straight line, but we hope the image can remain in mind as we get to the main point of the chapter. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

There is a long history of interest in the adjustment of gifted children. Generally, two views have prevailed. The first view is that gifted children as a group are better adjusted than their typically developing peers, because they are capable of greater understanding of self and others. Therefore, they cope better with stress and conflicts. Many empirical studies support this view (Neihart, Pfeiffer, & Cross, 2015). The second view is that gifted children are more at-risk for psychological problems, particularly during adolescence and adulthood, because they are more sensitive to interpersonal conflicts and experience greater degrees of alienation and stress (Silverman, 2012). There is some evidence to support this idea (e.g., Gross, 1993, 2006). Gifted children do have unique psychological issues, but these do not arise from giftedness itself. Rather, giftedness seems to add complexity to an individual that can either enhance or interfere with healthy adjustment, depending on several factors. The aim of this chapter is to summarize the research on these factors and describe practical implications that have an evidence base. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

When the great psychometrician Louis L. Thurstone migrated from engineering to psychology, he noticed an important difference between psychologists and engineers. He observed that when engineers are confronted with a problem, they begin to think, whereas when psychologists are confronted with a problem, they begin to talk (Thurstone, 1952). Happily, over the past 3 decades, highly replicable empirical findings from multiple longitudinal studies on tens of thousands of participants have revealed important things to think about and talk about. These findings are critical for understanding educational, occupational, and creative outcomes among students who learn abstract/symbolic material at precocious rates. Some of the most salient longitudinal advances in recent times involve intellectual abilities, the primary focus of this chapter. Arguably the two most important points uncovered by modern longitudinal research are (a) assessing intellectual abilities within the top 1% of ability and (b) doing so multidimensionally. For optimal practice and theorizing, both are essential. Because of the need to focus more systematically on objective assessments of intellectual capacities in the gifted field (Warne, 2016), this chapter focuses on recent advances based on objective assessments because these determinants identify populations that learn at precocious rates. Thus, these determinants are central. Yet, because the importance of intellectual abilities, commitment, interests, and opportunity are all needed to understand precocious intellectual development, a comprehensive model encompassing intellectual and motivational determinants is further recommended (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000, 2006). This model is, in turn, enriched by broader lifestyle determinants (Ferriman, Lubinski, & Benbow, 2009; Lubinski, Benbow, & Kell, 2014), which are crucial for understanding how outstanding educational, occupational, and creative accomplishments unfold over the lifespan among intellectually talented populations. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

In the fictional Harry Potter series, one of the tools in Harry’s arsenal against the evil Lord Voldermort is his cloak of invisibility. With this cloak, Harry is able to walk the halls of Hogwart’s School of Witchcraft and Wizardry unseen by those around him (Rowling, 1997). This phenomenon occurs daily in hallways and classrooms of schools all across the country, though not for the greater good, as twice-exceptional students’ gifts, and even their challenges, may go unrecognized by teachers, counselors, and administrators. Moon and Reis (2004) asserted that because it is outside the norm, giftedness is, by definition, exceptionality. For students to be considered twice exceptional, they must display characteristics associated with giftedness and with one or more learning or behavioral disorders (Baum & Olenchak, 2002; Baum, Olenchak, & Owen, 1998; Moon & Reis, 2004). Much like giftedness, varying definitions of twice-exceptionality exist. In 2009, a joint task force consisting of representatives from the National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented, the Association for the Education of Gifted Underachieving Students, and the Bridges Academy developed a comprehensive definition that encompassed the identification and servicing of this unique population. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Motivation is generally regarded as an important component for success, in school and at work. Motivation provides the fuel to ignite abilities and transform them into achievements. Although natural talent or giftedness predicts academic and career success, motivation is the catalyst that allows ability to be harnessed to accomplish those great successes. Even when endowed with natural talent or potential, without adequate motivation, gifted students are unable to fully develop their talents. The word motivation comes from the Latin root moveo, which means “to move.” In the Merriam-Webster dictionary motivation is defined as the act or process of giving someone a reason for doing something. It is also described as a force or influence that causes someone to do something. These general definitions of motivation capture the emphasis on being moved to action. Deckers (2001) defines motivation as “inducing behavior”—stimuli that motivate us to take action are those that transform potential energy into kinetic energy. This transformation is literal and figurative. In the absence of motivation, ability or potential cannot be transformed into products or performance. Therefore, ability without motivation is like wind without a windmill. The energy produced by the wind must be harnessed to produce electricity. So too must ability be coupled with motivation to produce achievement. Often motivation and ability are pitted against each other. An admission of the importance of one of these traits is often perceived as an indictment of the other. In fact, a recent issue of Intelligence was devoted to answering the question “Is ability necessary to explain the development of expertise?” (Detterman, 2014, p. 1). Interestingly, the special issue treated as fact the necessity of motivation and deliberate practice on the development of expertise in a domain. Instead, the authors debated whether ability played any role in the development of expertise. We agree with Ackerman (2014) that achievement or performance in any domain requires ability and motivation: “In any theory of performance…, motivation is one of the two essential ingredients of performance (the other being the capacity to perform the behavior)” (p. 11; see also Chapter 17, this handbook). Although academic and occupational success appear to require ability and motivation, the relationship between giftedness and motivation is less clear. Are gifted students more motivated than other students? Are gifted adults more motivated than other adults? Does motivation manifest itself differently in the gifted? Is motivation more or less essential to the success of the gifted? Do traditional motivational theories apply to the gifted? Or are different theories necessary to explain the formation and role of motivation within gifted populations? In this chapter, we explore the empirical research on motivation as it relates to giftedness. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Bullying among school-age youth continues to be cause for concern. In a recent U.S. national survey, approximately 28% of 12- to 18-year-old students reported they had been bullied at school during the school year, and victimization was highest among sixth graders (37%) compared to seventh or eighth graders (30% and 31% percent, respectively; Robers, Kemp, & Truman, 2013). It is not surprising that sixth graders reported more bullying, given that this is the year that most students transition to middle school. Gifted youth are at particular risk for being targets of bullying (Peterson & Ray, 2006a, 2006b). Longitudinal data show that victims of bullying have compromised social, emotional, and academic development (Ttofi, Farrington, Lösel, & Loeber, 2011) and even physical health (Copeland et al., 2014). Studies have documented that victims often experience depression, social anxiety, and low self-esteem, which could then contribute to academic and social challenges (Cook, Williams, Guerra, Kim, & Sadek, 2010). From 1970 through 2014, approximately 14 peer-reviewed articles and four dissertations focused on bullying, aggression, or victimization among gifted or exceptional children. Less than five of these studies were conducted outside of the United States. In comparison to numerous studies focusing on students in general education and students with disabilities (Blake, Lund, Zhou, Kwok, & Benz, 2012; Juvonen, Graham, & Schuster, 2003; Nansel et al., 2001; Rose, Espelage, Aragon, & Elliot, 2011), studies examining the rates of victimization and bullying among gifted students generally only include gifted students and lack a general education control group. However, studies including gifted students suggest that these students are bullied and victimized at similar, but not elevated, rates of other student populations, but they may experience it differently and in different forms (Peterson & Ray, 2006a, 2006b). These two studies (one quantitative, one qualitative) were drawn from the same nationally representative sample of 432 eighth graders in the United States with no control group, indicating that the findings should be viewed with caution. In this chapter, we define bullying and giftedness and review of the few studies on this topic. Promising interventions for bully prevention are described and recommendations for future research are provided. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

The term gifted means that an individual is exceptional at something and we prefer to use the term as an adjective (e.g., he or she is a gifted pianist, etc.) rather than as a noun (e.g., the gifted). We also talk about gifted behaviors rather than use giftedness to represent a state of being. The study of gifts and talents and the ways in which individuals’ abilities interact with and are affected by environment, personality, educational opportunities, family support, and life experiences have fascinated researchers for several decades. As we consider our scholarly and school-based experiences in developing programs and identification systems for high potential students, as well as our knowledge base about how giftedness can be developed in children and adolescents, several common themes emerge about talent development and giftedness. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Perfectionism has long been considered a characteristic associated with giftedness. In this chapter, we make the case for a multivalenced view of perfectionism as it relates to the concept of giftedness. This view is derived from several conceptual and empirical approaches for understanding the effects that traits and characteristic adaptations have on various outcomes. The perfectionism literature generally supports two higher-order latent factors of perfectionistic strivings and concerns, and three or four latent class differentiations into adaptive, maladaptive, and nonperfectionistic groups. We pay particular attention to the implications of such a model for various kinds of challenges that gifted individuals may face. In general, much of the research supports other findings regarding the generally positive psychological health and resilience of the gifted, but also suggests that a subgroup may be at risk for stress-related adjustment difficulties. We conclude this chapter with methodological recommendations aimed at encouraging more contemporary and diversified approaches to measurement and to modeling classes and change trajectories to capture uniquely intersecting aspects of perfectionism and giftedness. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

During a late summer morning in the Midwest, the mother of a 16-year-old gifted student received a phone call telling her that her son was just found hanging from the eaves above the bus stop at their local high school. It was later discovered from his journal entries that he had planned this event for months. The death of a young person is a terrible thing; but the death of a young person by suicide is a calamity for humankind. This scenario, with different actors, repeats itself every day in the United States and students with gifts and talents (SWGT) and their families are not immune to this devastating outcome. During the 2014–2015 school year, a total of 26 students died by suicide in two high-achieving school districts in the United States (Palo Alto Unified School District in California and Fairfax County Public Schools in Virginia), and at two universities (Massachusetts Institute of Technology and College of William and Mary). Several suicides among top students in a short period creates many questions about links between giftedness and suicidal behavior. The belief that SWGT are more prone to emotional disturbance is widely held (Coleman & Cross, 2005). Two perspectives have been offered to describe the relationship between giftedness and psychological well-being: (a) The nature of giftedness makes these students more resilient to psychological maladies, and (b) their characteristics make them more subject to adjustment issues (J. Delisle, 1986; Neihart, 1999). Coleman and Cross (2000) offered a third position: American subcultures create environments that can affect the lived experience of SWGT and, subsequently, their psychological well-being. This chapter explores the research on suicide among SWGT and applicable research from the general population. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

In this chapter, we outline contemporary efforts to create and implement “alternative” models of gifted education identification or program selection. We address where these models have been successful and where they have stumbled, and on the basis of these findings, we offer recommendations for practice for psychologists and teachers who are charged with developing and implementing identification practices in K–12 schools. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Our economy and quality of life increasingly depend on innovative ideas and products, and businesses and society in general are calling for more creativity in our communities. This is being seen in schools, with an emphasis on problem solving and creativity in the curriculum, such as can be found in efforts to focus K–12 education on 21st century skills (Plucker, Kaufman, & Beghetto, 2015). Although there are increasing amounts of research on how to enhance creativity in the classroom, teaching for creativity is not a common practice in most K–12 schools (Sternberg, 2015). For example, Schacter, Thum, and Zifkin (2006) found on average that teachers perform very few creative behaviors. Many teachers know little about how to implement interventions for creativity enhancement, and they may even feel reluctant to learn how to approach the topic. In this chapter, we review the major theoretical work that underlies intervention efforts, review specific techniques and strategies for fostering creativity, and examine broader policy issues that may impact creativity enhancement efforts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This chapter focuses on the remarkable research base and impact on practice of the talent search model. Researchers, educators, psychologists, and policymakers citing Pressey’s (1949) definition of acceleration typically do not include Pressey’s explanation of conventional education. However, understanding conventional or regular education is critical to a thorough understanding of the phenomenal impact of the talent search model, most of which occurs outside of the typical school setting. Pressey described “conventional or regular for an American child [is] to enter school shortly before or after his [or her] sixth birthday, to take a grade a year thereafter for twelve years, to enter college around eighteen, and graduate around twenty-two” (p. 2). In other words, Pressey’s definition of conventional education does not include acceleration. Pressey’s definitional paragraph concludes with questions salient to the topic of acceleration and the talent search model: “Whether the conventional pace and the normal ages are desirable [emphasis added] is an issue still to be determined, as is also the extent to which deviations from an established rate may be desirable for certain individuals” (p. 2). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This chapter argued that talent, giftedness, creativity, and elite performance are not solely the products of innate genetic gifts resulting in superior abilities. Instead, we agree with other scholars in these fields (e.g., Simonton, 2014; Subotnik et al., 2011) that what is most important is to understand the dynamic interplay between individual abilities and environmental opportunities. The experience of flow is influential in the development of the individual and of society because it requires an ongoing balance of challenge and skill, immediate feedback, and clear and proximate goals, and serves the development of an increasingly complex self, which is capable of expressing the full range of human potentialities. By providing opportunities for these types of optimal experiences in daily activities, parents, teachers, gatekeepers of social institutions, and policy makers can serve the development of creative individuals and the evolution of culture. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Before this chapter can focus on international perspectives and trends in research on giftedness and talent development, we need to clarify the meaning of central key terms. Neither common usage nor scientific parlance offer generally accepted definitions of giftedness and talent (Carman, 2013). Most definitions fit roughly into one of four categories: psychometric definitions, performance definitions, labeling definitions, and specific giftedness/talent definitions. According to psychometric definitions, the terms apply to individuals who score well in psychometric tests (e.g., tests of intelligence or creativity). Performance definitions describe those individuals as gifted or talented who demonstrate high achievements, for instance the best pupil in a certain class or a school valedictorian. According to labeling definitions, gifts/talents are socially accorded, usually by an expert. In the case of specific giftedness/talent definitions, strengths in a particular domain (e.g., music, mathematics, endurance running) qualify a person as gifted or talented. The lack of uniform distinctions between the terms giftedness and talent is as problematic as the sheer variety of definitions that can be found in the literature. There is no generally accepted understanding of the difference between the two. Although some researchers use both terms synonymously (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi & Robinson, 1986), others seek clear distinctions. Some researchers view talent as a hyponym of giftedness (e.g., Haensly, Reynolds, & Nash, 1986); others equate talent with potential and giftedness with achievements (e.g., Tannenbaum, 1986; but cf. also Gagné, 2005). In this chapter we will use the terms giftedness and talent as conceptually overlapping terms (e.g., Ericsson, Roring, & Nandagopal, 2007). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

There is considerable diversity among South American countries in relation to regulations and procedures for identifying and developing giftedness in children and adolescents. The experiences of three South American countries (Brazil, Peru, and Uruguay) are described to illustrate the variety of approaches. Although these countries do not share the same cultural or linguistic backgrounds, there are commonalities among them regarding the development of gifted children and adolescents. Despite federal and state regulations regarding education for high-ability and gifted children, educators still face many challenges when implementing these laws, including myths regarding giftedness in the general population. Resources provided to public education in these countries are scarce, however several programs are being offered to improve motivation and excellence among gifted children and adolescents. The role of professional associations and research on giftedness is considered of vital importance to increase public awareness of the social and educational needs of this special population. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

In this chapter, we focus on research that is most pertinent to gifted education. We begin with an overview of the constructs (organized within the three original pillars of positive psychology) relevant to youth, education, and gifted education. First, we offer a working definition of giftedness and gifted education. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Negative responses to the proposal that eminence should be the ultimate outcome of gifted education was surprising to us, especially as this outcome emerged from the extant literature (e.g., Albert, 1992a). As should be the case, the responses led us to revisit the proposed role of eminence in a formulation of gifted education. We concluded that we did not articulate what we meant as clearly as we intended, an omission that this chapter attempts to rectify by incorporating our most recent thinking on this issue. Additionally, much of the pushback against eminence is based on a misunderstanding of the concept and the process by which eminence is attained. To set the stage for addressing these misconceptions, we discuss definitions of eminence, and propose a definition of our own (see also Chapter 18, this handbook). We review some of the definitions of giftedness and talent in our field, and the reasons why individuals are identified for gifted and talented programs. We also highlight the similarities between the goals of gifted education in several of the well-known models of gifted education and the quest for eminence, drawing from the extant literature on outstanding performers as well as more popular media, and addressing the focus on a small elite population. We also discuss eminence in relation to groups that are underrepresented in gifted and talented education programs in school. Finally, we conclude with a rationale for proposing eminence as a goal for gifted education. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

Family is the first and often most powerful influence on a developing child, impacting the existence and quality of educational opportunities, promoting productive mindsets and meaningful values and beliefs, and encouraging cognitive, social, psychological, and emotional growth. For a gifted child, the influence of family can determine whether talent is recognized and allowed to flourish. In this chapter, we present research findings on the psychological aspects of family functioning as they affect talent development. We also discuss parenting within a general conceptual and developmental model for talent development. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)

This chapter focuses on a conception of giftedness that encompasses five main principles in defense of domain-specific talent development. First, ability is a cornerstone of talent development, especially ability in specific domains (e.g., mathematics, music, creative writing). Second, foundational abilities are malleable and need to be developed. These developing abilities begin, peak, and end their trajectories at different ages. That is, talent in violin or mathematics may be recognizable in elementary school with reasonable accuracy, whereas potential giftedness in diplomacy or mediation skills may not emerge until adulthood. Third, to transform potential into accomplishment, opportunities need to be offered to talented individuals that match their stage of talent development, and it is important that talented individuals take those opportunities. Fourth, all individuals can benefit from psychosocial skills training or coaching to enhance their performance and confidence in risk taking. Some children and adolescents are reluctant to take opportunities when offered, which may be due to underdeveloped psychosocial skills. Fifth, in this conception of talent development, the aspired outcome of gifted education is to prepare talented youth seeking to “change the world” to transform their abilities into creative or path-breaking contributions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved) (Source: chapter)